Active Investigation Leads

Sen. Hastings alleged to have led a mob to physically disrupt rival party's caucus. Mayor arrived in marked police cruiser. Government funds (bus + videographer) allegedly used. Sham affidavits presented. Electoral Board removed Hastings-backed slate from ballot — confirming facts. Counts include First Amendment Retaliation, Conspiracy to Prevent Voting, Defamation, Willful and Wanton Conduct.

Gigi (Frank) Rovito was federally indicted April 29, 2026. Rovito is one of Grasso's most significant 2018 AG campaign donors. Grasso is currently running for DuPage County Board Chairman 2026. Grasso was publicly defending Rovito. Rovito's connection to Grasso must be traced through ILSBE campaign finance, IL SOS entity searches, and PACER for the full indictment charges.

Same D&P Construction that killed the Rosemont/Emerald casino in 2001 (giving Rivers its license) was found providing dumpsters at Bally's Chicago ($1.7B casino) in May 2025. Gaming Board issued stop-work. Bally's is the only Chicago casino threatening Rivers' monopoly. Pritzker controls the Gaming Board, has joint casino history with Bluhm (Rivers owner). Gaming Board allowed Bally's to resume construction after new vendor vetting plan.

Kathleen Hastings told police Sen. Michael Hastings put her in a headlock and slammed her into a door in 2020. Hastings denied. Will County Circuit Court sealed the ENTIRE divorce proceeding — described as "impounded" by court staff with no written explanation. This is extraordinary. Divorce proceedings are public records in Illinois. Sealing requires specific judicial findings. Sen. Hastings chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee. The same senator who chairs judicial oversight has sealed domestic court records against his own wife's reported incident.

Three complaints filed by Orland Park resident Michael F. Henry alleging the $300,000 received by Voters for Sean Morrison from Coalition to Cut Taxes violated the explicit prohibition on ballot initiative committees contributing to candidate committees. The hearing was scheduled for December 20, 2022. The outcome has not been publicly documented. Morrison resigned as Cook County GOP Chair April 14, 2025. The $150,540 unaccounted gap in Coalition to Cut Taxes receipts vs. known expenditures has never been explained. Attorney John Fogarty (RNLA), who represented the shell, never responded to press.

Salt Fork CUSD 512 spent 34.6% of ALL district expenditures on Fire Prevention & Safety — a figure that exceeds every other district in the state by an enormous margin. No other district approaches this percentage. The district is also an IERMPA insurance pool member that accepted an 18% BCBS premium increase in 2025 with no competitive bid documented. Two major unexplained financial anomalies in a single downstate district.

D230 claimed 513,123 special education transportation miles in a single year through ISBE's PTCRS system. This figure — equivalent to traveling around the Earth 20.5 times — has never been publicly audited or explained. Michael Hastings co-chaired the Finance Committee during the relevant period. The Pace Board (where Kyle Hastings Sr. has sat since 2007) provides regional transit oversight in the same geography. D230's transportation contract history has not been released publicly.

The Sandner Group administers BOTH the largest workers' comp pool (WCSIT) and the largest property/casualty pool (ISDA) for Illinois school districts. One firm. One contact (James Woodard). No documented competitive RFP for either administrator contract. No public disclosure of the total annual administrative fee. The Sandner Group website redirects to another firm — suggesting a possible ownership change that districts were never notified of. The Orland Park case study: $1M saved on identical coverage with one RFP. Conservative statewide estimate: $200-400M in excess premiums annually.

Alliant Insurance Services appears in the Bolingbrook Village Treasurer Annual Report as a village vendor. Alliant was involved in the FBI investigation of the McCook/Tobolski/Sandoval corruption network — the same network where Speaker Madigan personally called a mayor to steer insurance to his son's firm. Valley View SD 365U (Bolingbrook's school district) has never publicly documented whether Alliant is also its insurance broker. Roger Claar's 34-year pay-to-play machine means every Valley View vendor must be cross-referenced against his $5M campaign fund.

Joliet Public Schools District 86 is one of the most financially distressed school districts in Illinois. Its territory is covered by multiple TIF districts (TIF 2, 3, 4, 5 in Joliet alone). KTJ's Dennis Walsh serves as Romeoville village attorney — the municipality with 8 active TIF districts immediately adjacent to Joliet. If KTJ represents both Romeoville (TIF creator) and any Will County school districts (TIF victims), the same firm is advising both sides. Joliet District 86 board hired Grasso in prior context — cross-reference needed.

Mike McTaggart (owner, Quest Food Management Services) and Nick Saccaro (Quest) have never had their Illinois political donations searched. McTaggart lived in Highland Park. Quest serves D135 Orland Park, and 28+ other Illinois districts. A LinkedIn reviewer confirmed working with McTaggart while employed at D135 — identify that person, their title, and when they left. For every Quest-served district: when did the contract begin? Was McTaggart the IASBO chair at the time of initial award?

Pike Systems was awarded the SIPC statewide green cleaning contract in April 2025, giving it access to all ~550 SIPC member districts without those districts going through competitive bidding. Pull SIPC's board member list and run each through ILSBE. Has Pike donated to any SIPC board member whose district then began using Pike? Who scored the SIPC procurement — what was the evaluation committee composition?

The Vargas Group appeared as a subcontractor under THREE separate prime CPS janitorial bidders simultaneously — Total Facility Maintenance, United Service Companies (Richard Simon), AND GDI Services. All three were "competing" primes in the same CPS bid cycle. If competing bidders coordinate through shared subcontractors, this is textbook bid rigging under federal and Illinois antitrust law. $1,500 Vargas donation to Mayor Johnson Aug 21, 2023 — same date as four other CPS vendor executives.

Morrison Security Corporation is a licensed private security contractor. Morrison simultaneously served as its CEO and sole owner AND Cook County Commissioner AND METRA Zone 3 Chair AND RTA Vice-Chair AND Forest Preserve Commissioner. Government security contracts flow through agencies Morrison has direct oversight authority over. Has Morrison Security ever provided security to any entity under his oversight? This has never been publicly documented or audited.

KTJ collected $3.2 million in legal fees as Orland Park village attorney during Pekau's tenure. Nine KTJ employees donated $2,650 to Pekau's congressional campaign on the same day — a coordinated donation pattern that circumvents individual contribution limits via employer-directed giving. KTJ's Dennis Walsh also wrote the opinion calling D230's intergovernmental school agreement "illegal" — benefiting KTJ's municipal client (Orland Park) against the school district. KTJ represents municipalities in all three collar counties AND school districts in the same geography.

Yorkville Investment I LLC (Cayman Islands entity, no longer in business) donated $25,000 to Gary Grasso's 2018 AG campaign — over the legal limit. It shared a Wheaton, IL address with 60 Degrees Group Ltd (also Cayman Islands). Both entities are in the Wheaton-DuPage corporate registry geography. The principals of both Cayman entities have never been publicly identified. Grasso is currently running for DuPage County Board Chairman 2026.

440 S. LaSalle Street, Suite 3100, Chicago is simultaneously: (1) the address of Ron Gidwitz's family business interests (Coalition to Stop Taxes); (2) the registered address of Coalition to Cut Taxes — the unregistered shell that illegally transferred $300,000 to Morrison's campaign. This address is the physical hub of the Griffin→Uihlein→Gidwitz→Morrison→Pekau money chain. What other entities operate from Suite 3100? Who else has used this address for political committee registrations?

The Hastings family has six children. Michael (State Senator) and Kyle II (Village Trustee, appointed by father) are documented. Four others have not been identified in any reviewed public records. Given the family's pattern of placing members in appointed and elected positions across Orland Hills, Orland Township, Cook County Democratic Party, and regional transit, the remaining four children must be investigated. Search IL SOS election records, township board rosters, park district boards, library boards, and school board membership lists for any Hastings family members.

Rick Heidner (Gold Rush Gaming, 3rd largest VGT operator in IL) donated $25,000 to Mayor Brandon Johnson after the election to pay down campaign debt and sought a meeting with Johnson's administration about gaming. Johnson's administration has not publicly disclosed whether the meeting occurred or whether any gaming-related decisions were made that benefited Heidner's network. Heidner also ran for Governor in the March 2026 Republican primary — losing to Bailey 54%.

Andrew Hamilton was identified as executive director of 8 of the 10 Upper Illinois Valley Regional Development Authorities. Chris Lauzen (Kane County Board Chairman) raised questions about $2M+ going to Hamilton-affiliated companies. Regional Development Authorities are a legal mechanism to channel public money without full public disclosure or competitive bidding requirements. Running 8 of 10 RDAs in a region is an extraordinary concentration of control over public development money — and this has never been comprehensively investigated.

Mark Kelly serves simultaneously on D118 (feeder elementary district) and D230. Illinois law (105 ILCS 5/10-10) raises questions about dual board service when the districts have overlapping financial interests. FOIA both districts for his oath of office and any conflict-of-interest disclosures. Check all D118/D230 votes where dual-district interests were implicated.

The Chicago Tribune reported in 2019 that Heidner partnered in real estate deals with a banking family alleged to have mob ties. The specific banking family has not been identified in available records reviewed. This connection — combined with the Sandoval FBI search warrant name and the $5M IRS lien — must be fully documented before his next political move.

References indicate that Pritzker has a documented history of joint casino investment with the Bluhm family — potentially connected to the Fallsview Casino Resort in Niagara Falls, Canada (a Rush Street Gaming property). The full scope of this investment relationship, when it began, when it ended, and what financial interest (if any) Pritzker retains, has not been fully documented in available records. This directly bears on the Gaming Board's independence.

Denise Filan is identified in prior research as a revolving-door figure: former judge who moved to ordinance hearing officer role and then to a connection with the D86 (Hinsdale Township HSD) law firm network. This is the same D86 that hired Gary Grasso (whose 2019 board president donor was a Grasso campaign contributor) to sue Robbins Schwartz. The full Filan timeline and the D86 law firm conflict require complete documentation.

The GenNx360→Whitsons→Arbor Management chain represents private equity ownership of food service vendors serving Illinois school districts. When PE firms own school food vendors, ownership disclosure to school boards is rare, profit extraction mechanisms (management fees, IP licensing, royalties) are opaque, and competitive bidding is effectively bypassed as the brand changes but the relationship continues. Full mapping of this chain against Illinois districts required.

Romeoville has 8 active TIF districts. KTJ's Dennis Walsh is the village attorney. The same KTJ firm represents multiple municipalities AND school districts in overlapping geographies across Cook, Will, and DuPage counties. Did the Will County school districts affected by Romeoville's 8 TIFs have independent legal counsel when the TIFs were created — or were they also represented by KTJ, creating a direct conflict?

Richard Irvin served as Aurora Mayor 2011-2022 with $100,000 from Ron Gidwitz (the same Gidwitz whose family business address was used by the Coalition to Cut Taxes shell that gave $300K to Morrison). Aurora East SD 131 is one of the most underfunded urban districts in Kane County. Aurora has multiple TIF districts created during Irvin's tenure. Did any developers who received Aurora Redevelopment Agreements donate to Irvin's campaigns or to Gidwitz-affiliated committees?

Pekau proposed three TIF districts in August-September 2024. D230 Board President Lynn Zeder — described as a "Pekau minion" — remained silent about TIF financial impacts on D230. Board member Mohammed Jaber raised concerns; Zeder attacked him publicly. At least one Pekau TIF remains active. The exact annual dollar amount of D230 tax revenue being diverted to this TIF has never been publicly quantified or disclosed to D230 taxpayers.

Illinois school districts statewide are not reporting an estimated $18 billion+ in property value that sits inside TIF districts, because that increment is captured by municipalities rather than flowing to the school districts' tax base calculations. This means ISBE's funding adequacy calculations for every TIF-affected district in Illinois are structurally undercounting the true commercial property value in those districts. The EBF formula distributes state money based in part on local property wealth — TIF exclusions make districts appear poorer than they are and skew state funding distributions.